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By Edward M. Anson

Alexander’s Heirs bargains a story account of the nearly 40 years following the demise of Alexander the good, in which his generals vied for keep an eye on of his significant empire, and during their conflicts and politics finally created the Hellenistic Age.

  • Offers an account of the facility struggles among Alexander’s rival generals within the 40  12 months interval following his death
  • Discusses how Alexander’s significant empire eventually turned the Hellenistic World
  • Makes complete use of fundamental and secondary sources
  • Accessible to a wide viewers of scholars, collage students, and the trained normal reader
  • Explores vital scholarly debates at the Diadochi

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Extra resources for Alexander's Heirs: The Age of the Successors

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1), nor Plutarch (Eum. 1–2), provides more than the briefest of outlines of these events. The basic scenario of events described in Justin is accepted by many scholars, who reject Curtius’ account as either “imaginative fiction” (McKechnie 1999: 49–50), or “a confused pot pourri” (Bosworth 2002: 35–44). However, Curtius’ account is more faithful to the specific historical context. The troops, while initially having no expectation that they would select the next king, yet by the same token not willing to sit meekly by in some distant location while their futures were being decided, ultimately chose a king.

The troops demanded that their leaders, chiefly Meleager, either come to terms with the cavalry or immediately lead them against the latter (Curt. 12–14). Neither Meleager nor Arrhidaeus could gain effective control of their erstwhile supporters. 18 It was Meleager who had “dragged” him initially before the assembled soldiers (Curt. 13). Under these circumstances envoys were sent to the leaders outside the city and a compromise was reached (Curt. 14–22). These particular envoys were Greeks: Pasas, the Thessalian; Damis,19 the Megalopolitan; and Perilaus, of unknown origin, but likely also Greek (Heckel 2006: 203; contra: Atkinson and Yardley 2009: 199).

Later, when a boy was born,23 he was presented to the army, who acclaimed him as King Alexander IV (Arr. Succ. 1; Just. 3). It is doubtful that anyone at this point thought beyond the immediate crisis of what the exact implications of a dual monarchy might be. 24 In this final Babylonian settlement made by the principes present in that city, in the absence of outside interference, a modified form of Perdiccas’ original proposal was approved and Perdiccas emerged as the Prostates of the Kingdom for Philip III, and, after his birth, of that of Alexander IV as well (cf.

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